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It is becoming more and more evident that democracy has served only the first years of its apprenticeship. Political problems have served only to introduce popular government. The economic problems now rushing upon us will bring the real test of democracy.
The workingman has taken an advanced place in the struggle for the democratization of industry. He has done so, first, through the organization of labor unions; secondly, through the development of political parties--labor parties. The blend of politics and economics which he affects is loosely called Socialism. The term is as indefinite in meaning as it is potent in influence. It has spread its unctuous doctrines over every industrial land, and its representatives sit in every important parliament, including our Congress.
Such a movement requires careful consideration from every point of view.
It is the object of this volume to trace briefly the growth of the movement in four leading European countries, and to attempt to determine the relation of economic and political Socialism to democracy--a question of peculiar interest to the friends of the American Republic at this time.
In preparing this volume, the author has made extended visits to the countries studied. He has tried to catch the spirit of the movement by personal contact with the Socialist leaders and their antagonists, and by many interviews with laboring men, the rank and file in every country visited.
Everywhere he was received with the greatest cordiality, and he wishes here to express his appreciation of these many kindnesses.
He wishes especially to acknowledge his obligations to the following gentlemen: Mr. Graham Wallas of the University of London; Mr. W.G. Towler of the London Municipal Society; Mr. John Hobson of London, and Mr. J.S. Middleton, assistant secretary of the Labor Party; to Dr. Robert Herz and Prof. Charles Gide of the University of Paris; Dr. Albert Thomas and M. Adolphe Landry of the Chamber of Deputies; M. Jean Longuet, editor of L'Humanite; to Dr. Franz Oppenheimer of the University of Berlin; Dr. Suedekum of the Reichstag; Dr. Hilferding, editor of Vorwaerts; Prof. T.H. Norton, American Consul at Chemnitz; M. Camille Huysmans, secretary of the "International," Brussels; as well as to many American friends for providing letters of introduction which opened many useful and congenial doorways.
S.P.O. January, 1913.
CONTENTS
CHAPTER PAGE
I. WHY DOES SOCIALISM EXIST? 1
II. THE DEVELOPMENT OF SOCIALISM 17
III. The Political Awakening of Socialism--The Period of Revolution 42
IV. THE POLITICAL AWAKENING OF SOCIALISM--THE INTERNATIONAL 56
V. THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF FRANCE 75
VI. THE BELGIAN LABOR PARTY 118
VII. THE GERMAN SOCIAL DEMOCRACY 146
VIII. GERMAN SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND LABOR UNIONS 171
IX. THE ENGLISH LABOR PARTY 207
X. CONCLUSION 250
APPENDIX 273
INDEX 347
SOCIALISM AND DEMOCRACY IN EUROPE
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION--WHY DOES SOCIALISM EXIST?
The answer to this question will bring us nearer to the core of the social movement than any attempted definition. The French Socialist program begins with the assertion, "Socialism is a question of class." Class distinction is the generator of Socialism.
The ordinary social triptych--upper, middle, and lower classes--will not suffice us in our inquiry. We must distinguish between the functions of the classes. The upper class is a remnant of the feudal days, of the manorial times, when land-holding brought with it social distinction and political prerogative. In this sense we have no upper class in America. The middle class is composed of the business and professional element, and the lower class of the wage-earning element.
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Socialism and Democracy in Europe by Samuel Peter Orth (1873-1922) is free to read in full. Folio serves it in daily portions you can actually finish, tracks your streak and reading position across devices, and reads every page aloud with a built-in narrator. The text comes from Project Gutenberg.
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